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Justifying Instream Flows <br />Water In-place as a "Beneficial Use" <br />While the entities involved in the transac- <br />tion must be satisfied with the negotiated <br />price, most states must also be persuaded <br />that the instream flow has been put to a <br />"beneficial use" to protect the rights from <br />challenge by other water rights holders. A <br />monitoring and enforcement plan is <br />needed for each acquisition to assure that <br />the dedicated water actually remains in the <br />stream. The proponents of minimum <br />instream flows must also be able to <br />determine, by a method acceptable to the <br />state, whether actual instream public <br />benefits, such as improved fisheries <br />habitat, are being achieved. Unfortunately, <br />fisheries and hydrologic experts do not <br />always agree on appropriate methods for <br />demonstrating the links between water <br />flows and fish populations. <br />Public Acceptance of Transfers <br />Attempts to transfer water rights to <br />instream flow may also face political <br />opposition. Even when market transfers <br />between willing buyers and willing sellers <br />are used as an alternative to regulatory <br />mechanisms for improving instream flows, <br />there is still a perception among many in <br />the agricultural community that this is <br />simply another scheme to take away <br />farmers' water rights and "separate water <br />from the land." <br />Although the agricultural community <br />generally views an individual's water right <br />as a form of private property, when an <br />individual farmer considers selling or <br />leasing his right, the water right is viewed <br />by some as community property. Sur- <br />rounding farmers become very concerned <br />about the water leaving the land and going <br />back instream. In Oregon, this has been so <br />even though none of the transactions that <br />the Oregon Water Trust has negotiated to <br />date have involved taking entire working <br />farms out of agricultural production. In <br />the Buck Hollow transaction., ranching <br />continued with substitute hay; the Sucker <br />Creek transaction did not involve land <br />currently being farmed or ranched. <br />In rural communities, concern about losing <br />control of irrigation water (and ultimately <br />of farmland) extends beyond farmers to <br />other members of the community depen- <br />dent on the agricultural economy. The <br />local feed, farm implement and grocery <br />store owners all share the concern that <br />transfers of water rights from agricultural <br />to instream use will cause a decline in the <br />community's economy, reducing their <br />income and job opportunities for their <br />children. These concerns about the future <br />of rural economies are the major reason <br />that most of the Trust's transfers have been <br />temporary lease transactions rather than <br />permanent acquisitions. The next few <br />years will be a critical period for the Trust <br />to build a sense of "trust" among the <br />water rights holders and rural communities <br />- to demonstrate that allowing the <br />market to operate can be beneficial, or at <br />least not harmful, to all affected interests. <br />Proposals were introduced <br />in the 1995 and 1997 <br />Oregon legislative sessions <br />to repeal the instream <br />water rights law <br />completely, and to prevent <br />the sale of any agricultural <br />water right to any party <br />other than another <br />agricultural interest. <br />Although these bills were <br />not adopted, they did <br />make some headway <br />through the legislative <br />process and illustrate the <br />controversial nature of <br />water rights transfers for <br />instream flows. <br />19 <br />