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conflicting uses. In the eyes of local users, a big difference between state water users and the <br />federal government is: <br />l. state water users have had to deal with multiple and competing uses for decades <br />and see water in the river as having many uses, some of which they like and some <br />of which they do not; <br />2. federal agencies have not been hisl:orically involved in the river; and do not have a <br />history of dealing with multiple and competing uses in local areas. They tend to <br />see water as being dedicated to few uses, most especially the preservation of habit <br />for endangered species. In this regard, the federal government has a narrow <br />perspective on how the river should be managed. Locals therefore argued that they <br />must defend historical compromises and allocation arrangements on the rivers that <br />federal representatives were all too willing to overlook. <br />Court litigation is an expensive gamble. The thought of legal minds reasoning from <br />obscure precedent with all too little; knowledge of the implications for delicately balanced water <br />arrangements was all too scary. Juciicial interpretations could easily carve water arrangements in <br />technically, economically, and politically untenable ways. Also, states simply do not have the <br />money for protracted struggle against federal agencies in long successions of cases. All-in-all <br />court imposed "solutions" were to be feared more than anything the Fish and Wildlife Service <br />could come up with in cooperation with local water users. <br />Babbit's Collaborative Strategy <br />Many within federal agencxes have long noted the need to move away from simplistic <br />"command and control" approaches to environmental regulation, and toward more collaborative <br />ecosystem management (Interagency Ecosystem Management Task Force 1996), (Ruckelshaus <br />1997), (Melious and Thornton 1999; Smith 2000). Given the sheer number of permit renewals to <br />be processed, it was prohibitive to even contemplate an individual case-by-case approach in a <br />complex river basin when no single user organization could provide the collective good that was <br />needed, but each could muster allies in the struggle against constructive engagement with the <br />problem of providing improved ha.bitat. In the politically charged context created by the divisive <br />struggle in the Pacific Northwest over old-growth logging in the domain of the spotted owl, and <br />the broad regional "wise-use move;ment," Clinton's Secretary of Interior Bruce Babbit developed <br />an ambitious plan to abandon trad'xtional command and control approaches to ESA <br />implementation. Policy would consist of: <br />1. bringing U.S., state, and local governments and resource users together to build <br />comprehensive local negotiated solutions; <br />2. making partnerships around large regional watershed strategies that would get <br />ahead of the many crises that arose from sequences of isolated ESA consultations; <br />federal authorities did not want to administer the ESA from an individual species <br />perspective anymoxe than local users wanted to renew their water rights permit by <br />permit; <br />3. providing incentivf;s to water users by providing: <br />a. multi-species listings that anticipated subsequent listings; <br />47