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years when the Clinton administration struggled to hold together a coalition that could preserve <br />and protect the legacy of environmental legislation that had been constructed prior to the "Reagan <br />revolution." There would have to be an emphasis on negotiation with water interests, <br />collaboration, and a flexibility in posture that could adapt to local opportunities and constraints. It <br />was important to demonstrate to environmental supporter and opponent alike that the ESA and <br />other environmental laws could be administered with sensitivity and flexibility while still <br />fulfilling their letter and spirit. <br />Somehow, a path would have to be created that would protect-if not enhance-support for <br />the ESA, not erode it. Secretary of Interior Bruce Babbit sought to accomplish that feat while also <br />finding ecologically viable solutions. From DOI's perspective, Platte River issues presented an <br />opportunity to implement an emerging strategy for addressing the political challenges created by <br />resource users opposition to the ESA. <br />Litigation Risks <br />Department of Interior authorities did not want to enter into litigation with the states over <br />water rights for several reasons. In the first place, the FWS cannot directly intrude on state water <br />rights systems-it can issue "biological opinions" that can be only enforced when <br />environmentalists choose to file suit and succeed in getting a judge to rule in their favor. It is a <br />system that forces environmentalist, not the federal government, to engage in the litigation <br />process. Federal agencies, especially the Fish and Wildlife Service, must operate with the power <br />they have-i.e., the power to issue permits and grant licenses for dams and river diversions. <br />Second, a litigious approach to obtaining water in the West via application of federal <br />reserved rights doctrine had, by the mid-1990's proved to be a costly and time-consuming failure <br />in the New Mexico Gila and Colorado Poudre river efforts. It was not entirely clear that the <br />federal legal case was so strong that litigation would necessarily be counted upon to eventually <br />deliver victory. Third, agency inflexibility and rigidity in a succession of attempts across the <br />nation to enforce ESA mandates could erode political support and place the ESA and other <br />environmental legislation in jeopardy. The ESA itself could be in peril if clumsy handling of the <br />Act were to drive away congressional allies. Fourth, legalistic rigidity simply would drive away <br />the very interests-local people, their organizations and their water knowledge--that must <br />eventually be involved as partners in implementation of any solution. Federal agencies simply do <br />not have the expertise, the local knowledge, the personnel, or the budgets to actually implement <br />terms of any agreement. Nor to they have knowledge, or the right, under the constitutional <br />division of powers to attempt to implement terms of any agreement. Fifth, federal agencies-most <br />especially the FWS and the Forest Service-simply would be overwhelmed by the burdens of <br />individual Section 7 consultations that would be required in administering the ESA in a situation <br />as complex as the Platte river basin. Finally, time and money spent on litigation represent <br />resources that could be better spent on behalf of species. It is better to embrace local interests, <br />educate them to their responsibilities under the law, get them on the agenda, and get on with the <br />process of actually improving habitat. <br />Local water users in the Platte river basin were reluctant to litigate because they did not <br />trust a court-especially a federal court-to responsively consider water interests for multiple and <br />46