Laserfiche WebLink
b. craft a general roadmap so all would know what sort of action would be <br />considered if re-initiation of consultations was to be required-to anticipate <br />future reasonable and prudent alternatives; <br />c. to give some assurance to participants that if they were to "sign on" to a <br />recommended plan, they could obtain "regulatory certainty" over <br />reasonable periods of time. <br />Playing the endangered species game has been costly and the stakes had been high. All <br />parties had a need for accommodating the ESA. Collaboration and negotiation would do more for <br />the species-and for preserving the ESA-- than litigation and confrontation. The real impetus for <br />the Platte River Recovery program was to see how well Babbit's plan to radically change the <br />traditional approach to the implementation of the ESA would work. The political objective was to <br />fend off attacks on the ESA directed at gutting it, if not repealing it all together (Echeverria 2001). <br />The Platte basin negotiations have been all about whether or not the ESA can be implemented in a <br />collaborative multi-species, multi-user, multi-state, multi-interest manner. <br />? By the early 1990's then, the elements were in place. Private goods producers and common <br />? property water suppliers were caught up in federal relationships from which they could not <br />• extract themselves. To continue their activities, they would have to agree to negotiate a deal that <br />promised to produce a set of collective goods-in the form of protected and improved habitats for <br />? listed species from which they would be able to gather no greater proportion of benefit than any <br />? citizen whose barely noticeable sacrifice was to be no more than payment of a tiny increased <br />? increment in water and power costs. Many beneficiaries would escape even that. Individually <br />• rational water users had a choice; they could have litigated and refused to come to the table. Yet, <br />the workings of ESA under Bruce Babbit and the DOI brought those parties in the nexus to the <br />? table and kept them there. <br />Agreeing To Talk <br />The Platte Basin arguments at McConaughy, Grayrocks, Wildcat, Narrows, Two Forks, <br />and mountain reservoirs along the Colorado Front Range were made vociferously. The draft <br />biological opinions on the Arapaho/Roosevelt National Forest lands represented the first time that <br />the ESA had been applied to existing projects in an effort to protect downstream habitat, crossed <br />state lines and demonstrated the importance of basin-scale work But none of the costly sh-uggle <br />could address the main issue: how to re-regulate the basin flows to accommodate the nations' new <br />environmental policy as mandated by the Congress of the people of the United States. The diverse <br />and subtle forces at work in the Platte river basin, including critical habitat for whooping cranes, <br />the disparate struggles over water proposals in the three basin states illustrated the complexity of <br />policy issues driving decision-making. This kind of high stakes complexity required collaboration <br />to piece together a collectively constructed "reasonable and prudent alternative" to shutting down <br />the water operations that had created jeopardy for listed species. <br />Secretary of Interior Bruce Babbit's desire to find a collaborative way out of what loomed <br />as an impossible quagmire received a boost from a friend of the Clinton administration, then <br />Colorado Governor Roy Romer. Romer was a leading figure in Democratic party politics and <br />would serve as Chairman of the National Democratic Party. He had not placed environmental <br />48