Laserfiche WebLink
I• phenott~nal technical advances; urbanization; geographical expansion; and <br />conspicuous cronstmptiat (Howe 1976 and Baker 1978, 1983). These are most <br />easily seen materially in industrial, armtercial, and domestic <br />architecture; transportation networks; and in the large amounts of nearly <br />all varieties of dry or consumable goods. The very rapid appearance of <br />these elements on the urban mining frontier constitutes what has been <br />termed the "Victorian Cultural Horizon" (Baker 1983a). <br />In the archaeological sense, a "horizwi" is a primarily spatial <br />continuity represented by cultural traits and assemblages whose nature <br />and mode of occurrence permit the assurrQtion of a broad and rapid spread <br />(Willey and Phillips 1958) . The Victorian Horizon had peaked by abort <br />1900 and was waning by Wbrld War I, after which the Victorian Cultural <br />Tradition was in its death throes throughout the United States as well as <br />in the urban centers of the (kutnison Country. This was partially due to <br />eoonattic depression which caused the urban areas to lose the people and <br />capital which had led to the florescence of the tradition. With the <br />advent of tourism, skiing, "alternate lifestyle living" and the recent <br />renewal of mining interests, the Gtuuiisan Cotuttry has been undergoing a <br />"reurbanization". Tie Victorian Cultural Tradition has long since died <br />(Table 2) and this "reurbanization" is taking place within the post World <br />War II American cultural tradition or what might appropriately be called <br />"the Synthetic Culture Period". <br />' Primary Settlenertt With Extensive Iartd F~loitation <br />The Utes were removed from the Glmnison Country in 1881 as part of <br />'~ the oonQlete Ute exodus from both the White River and UnoatQatgre Ute <br />Reservations. The year 1881 closed with most of the prime lands of the <br />North Fork already in the hands of squatters. By 1882, Montrose, Delta, <br />and Grand Junction had been established on the old reservation, and the <br />seeds for towns in the North Fork Valley had been planted by the arrival <br />of individuals such as Ertos Hotchkiss and Samuel Wade, who respectively <br />settled in the Hotchkiss grid Paonia areas in 1881 (Borland 1952; <br />Goodykoontz 1927:460; Rockwell 1975:93-94; and Ferguson 1928). <br />The first settlers in the North Fork Valley were stoclatten (Baker <br />1977:16-22 and Pockwell 1937). By the middle 1880's more and more <br />individuals were preatQting land and running cattle in the Paonia area. <br />For most of the 19th century, cattle retained the mainstay of the local <br />ewnomty. The basic cultural character of the region was cast in <br />stock raising until fruit production eclipsed the industry in eoonanic <br />importance about the turn of the century (Baker 1977 and Fnckwell 1975 <br />and 1938). In 1885, Paonia was described as a "stall post office town on <br />the North Fork of the Gunnison River, with a population of about 60, <br />occupied in raising cattle and sheep" (Crofutt 1885:239). Hotchkiss was <br />cic:scribed as a "post office on the North Fork of ttie Gunnison near I~rox <br />Creek. Ayriculture and stock-raising", while Delta, as the county seat <br />of Delta County, was described as set at:acist a rich farming region of <br />"gnat future prcntise". By 1885, it boastea a b:J~:, newspaper and a <br />nunixr of stores (Croiutt 18b5:105, 87). Other towns in the project <br />vicinity, such as Ceoaredge and Eckert, were rut founded until much latur <br />when the promise of growUt of the fruit industr}~ lea to intet,sive <br />develoFnar,t of the tJorth Fork area. the intensification of ltutd use <br />Z1 <br />