PERMFILE44990

• Permit No: C1996084
• IBM Index Class Name: Permit File
• Section_Exhibit Name: EXHIBIT 05 CULTURAL RESOURCES REPORT 7
• Media Type: D
• Archive: No

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Conservatism in ethnic groups is often evident in material remains (Hazdesty 1980; Hardesty
and Hattori 1984; Ferguson and Green 1983; McGuire 1983; Martin 1988; Carrillo 1990). On
frontier sites, ethnically diagnostic remains aze often associated with diet and subsistence practices
including flora] remains, food containers, and tableware.
It is expected that the artifacts associated with ethnicity will be confined to certain azeas, and
those areas will include different types of households with related features and/or artifacts. If
discrimination was economic, as well as social, the artifact assemblage of certain ethnic groups will
show more evidence of lateral cycling, recycling, and secondary use (Schiffer 1983). Furthermore,
coins will be of a lower average denomination.
The nineteenth-century Hispanic settlers were dependent upon a subsistence economy which
had developed over a period of 250 years of frontier existence in northern New Mexico. This
economy is characterized by five conditions: 1) access to all components of the resource base; 2)
a generalized use of the total environment; 3) minimal or no occupational specialization; 4)
self-reliant local production for local consumption; and 5) a low level of technological development
(Guthrie 1985:80; Weber 1980:58; Carrillo 1990). In contrast, AngloAmericans were oriented
toward acash-based economy during the initial settlement period which carries its own
characteristics.
This contrast in subsistence style and technology can be reflected in the azchaeological
record, and is most easily discerned in a comparison of artifacts reflecting the procurement,
preparation, storage, and consumption of food, as well as floral and faunal remains from subsistence
activities. The important variable for the identification of Hispanic households and individuals is
the virtual absence of AngloAmerican artifacts. For example, it has been suggested that only
minimal amounts of bottle glass (possibly modified), solder dot tin cans (Buckles and Buckles
1984:35, 42; Lichty and McNamaza 1984), and possibly cartridges (Guthrie 1985:86; Carrillo et al.
1989; Carrillo 1990) will be found. In contrast, AngloAmerican occupations will reflect a
participation in a cash economy, where certain items manufactured elsewhere, and sometimes highly
curated, will replace more expedient and self-made artifacts typical of the same activities at Hispanic
occupations (Guthrie 1985:88-91; Weber 1980:52) (Tables 13 and 14).
Controlled surface and archaeological testing should take place on sites from this period, and
attributed to the activities of Hispanic settlers, to determine if the absence of these types of artifacts
is real or perceived. If the absence is found to be real, then it should be determined whether either
poor preservation or poor market access is a causal factor. That determination can be made through
comparison with the assemblages from other sites of the same age and function in the area (Can•illo
1990). If the absence is real, but the result of culture preference, then a suite of artifacts should be
represented in the site's assemblage that can be contrasted to those that would be expected if the site
was occupied by AngloAmerican settlers. These include items related to food procurement,
preparation, storage and consumption, as well as floral and faunal remains that will also be indicative
of horticulture, diet, activity area function, seasonality, and prepazation techniques and technology.
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