Laserfiche WebLink
<br />1 <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />N <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br />1 <br /> <br />'• <br />31 <br />material remains that consist of both azchitectural features (houses, dugouts, barns, sheds, wells, <br />cisterns, soterranos, hornos, eras, fogon, vigas, latillas, etc.) and the manufactured artifacts (whether <br />manufactured in the eastern and midwestern United States and Europe and transported into the <br />region such as bottle glass, iron, etc.; or traded, natural material such as perdernal (obsidian), or <br />artifacts such as manos and metates, produced of locally obtained sandstone and basalt, and locally <br />produced or imported ceramics that survive in an archaeological context. <br />The perceived cultural patterns originally observed on historical sites within the Purgatoire <br />and Arkansas River valleys, located on the east side of the Sangre de Cristo Range, and subsequently <br />observed in the Huerfano and San Luis valleys of Colorado, and locations in northern New Mexico <br />in the vicinity of Pecos, aze presented to buttress the argument for the archaeological evidence of <br />early Hispanic movement and settlement from northern New Mexico into all of southern Colorado <br />in the region that has been termed the Spanish Borderlands, and more contemporaneously the <br />Spanish-Mexican Rim (Bolton 1964; Weber ] 994). <br />An Integrated Historical Perspective <br />This narrative is presented as an alternate explanation to account for certain arthaeologica] <br />observations from historic sites in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado that do not fit neatly <br />into currently accepted definitions of "prehistoric" or "historic" site groupings. There is a general <br />awazeness of historical events that initially affected both Hispanics and AngloAmericans sepazately. <br />However, these groups began to interact both socially and ecologically after 1821, and extensively <br />after the Mexican-American War in the late 1840s. The interactions created changes in both groups. <br />The prevailing historical events surrounding the conquest, migration and settlement of the American <br />Southwest, including southern Colorado, aze well documented (Atheam 1985; Friedman 1985; <br />Mehls and Carter 1984; Murray 1978; and others). However, the American capitalist influence <br />became more dominant after 1848, and especially began to eclipse the traditional pastoral Hispanic <br />cultural milieu of the former Spanish and Mexican colonies during the 1860s when gold was <br />discovered in the Colorado mountains. Only recently have these historic periods begun to be <br />examined in a balanced format in terms of their cultural and social contexts, i.e. demography, <br />economy, politics and religion. This is true especially of the Mexican period, which preceded the <br />eazliest occupation of the San Luis Valley by only a few yeazs (Bailey and Haulman 1977:243-257; <br />Hudson 1977:11-31; Weber 1982:284-285). <br />The groups of Americans who initially settled the San Luis Valley region in the 1860s <br />carried certain cultural Vaditions from the eastern and midwestern United States, and Europe, in an <br />effort to continue their way of life in a frontier environment. On the other hand, the New Mexicans, <br />ten years eazlier in the 1850s, had introduced a traditional, medieval lifestyle into the San Luis <br />Valley that had been developed not only over a period of more than 250 years of frontier existence, <br />but also from earlier European and Arabic traditions. Many locations in southern Colorado had been <br />used by Spanish and Mexican traders and trappers since the eazly 17th century, but more extensively <br />since the late 18th and early 19th century. As a result, "the Hispanic frontier produced a pattern at <br />least as distinctive as that of the AngloAmerican frontier" (Swadesh 1974:4). <br />1 <br />