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4 { Generallssues <br />United States, speculate on the potential causes of these trends, and suggest re- <br />search to extend the effectiveness of recreation forecasting in resource man- <br />agement planning. <br />A Typology of ~ldland Outdoor Recreation Activities <br />Common criteria used to distinguish levels of potential interaction with <br />wildlife among recreational activities include consumptive versus noncon- <br />sumptive motivations, species harvested, and whether wildlife is a purposeful <br />or incidental component of the experience. We have categorized activities on <br />the basis of these criteria to distinguish among the potential impacts on <br />wildlife habitats and populations. <br />We have made a primary distinction between activities that directly <br />depend on wildlife and those that do not. Participation in wildlife-dependent <br />activities is contingent on the expected occurrence of wildlife in the area. In <br />contrast, the enjoyment of nondependent activity is often enhanced by, but <br />participation is not conditioned on, the presence of wildlife. Among <br />wildlife-dependent activities we distinguish between consumptive and non- <br />consumptive recreation. A final level of distinction broadly groups consump- <br />tive activities according to species harvested. Species groupings correspond to <br />state licensing categories and include big game, small game, and migratory <br />bird hunting, and freshwater and saltwater fishing. In this chapter, references <br />to "wildlife" include fish. <br />Historical Context <br />Public demand for outdoor recreation opportunities grew rapidly with the re- <br />vival of the U.S. economy following World War II. Annual growth rates in the <br />use of public parks and recreation facilities often exceeded 10% from the early <br />postwar period through the mid-1960s (Walsh 1986). This period of rapid <br />growth was coincident with a general rise in affluence as indicated by in- <br />creased disposable income, increased leisure time, institutionalization of paid <br />vacations, and transportation improvements that facilitated mobility <br />(Clawson and Harrington 1991). <br />Increased affluence has also been associated with the formation of a con- <br />servation ethic (see Myers 1985; Brady 1988), so it is not surprising that the <br />outdoor recreation boom paralleled the growth of the conservation move- <br />ment; its beginnings were marked by the establishment of The Conservation <br />Foundation in 1948, the Sport Fishing Institute in 1949, and The Nature Con- <br />servanry in 1951 (Clawson and Harrington 1991). Although the concurrent <br />evolution of conservation ethics and outdoor recreation was initially regarded <br />as mutually beneficial, many of the goals of natural resource conservation, <br />wilderness preservation, and provision of outdoor recreation are now viewed <br />