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<br />improvements in water use, the great adaptability of water users, and the fact <br />that the most rapidly growing sectors of the economy used minor amounts of <br />water. <br /> <br />To assess the analytical issues raised by such findings, the National <br />Water Commission sponsored a study of the conceptual and empirical questions <br />that arise when studying the role of water in regional growth (Lewis, 1973). <br />The study found fault with a number of the theoretical models of regional <br />growth and the empirical data available for measuring such growth, but it did <br />not suggest that the studies finding growth to be unaffected by water <br />availability were in error. <br /> <br />These studies, showing water to be an unimport.ant variable in the growth <br />equation, are not without critics and have spawned efforts to pt'esent <br />countervailing data. One such critical study attempted to analyze the effects <br />Bureau of Reclamation water resources projects had on economic development in <br />the Southwest between 1930 and 1970 (Cicchetti, 1975), An innovation in this <br />study was the definition of economic subregions that overrode traditional <br />political subdivisions. Using pooled cross-sectional and time series data, <br />the authors estimated the coefficients for a number of Cobb-Douglas pt'oduction <br />functions. These functions related such output variables as per capita <br />income, value of farm output, and change in subregion income to input <br />variables associated with infrastructure investments in water supply and <br />transportation systems and the provision of services like education, police <br />and fire protection, and recreation. The authors concluded that ~~l~r <br />resources i~vestments hav~ 001 impac~ 9B ~~Jl!ona~ ~conomic ~~~th. However, <br />careful and close review of t.he equations and coefficients shows the evidence <br />to be uncompelling and inconsistent. <br /> <br />More recent studies t.end to override the analysis based on the impact. of <br />Bureau of Reclamation projects. One, published at almost the same time as the <br />analysis of the Bureau projects, failed to identify st.atistically significant <br />impacts of expenditures for federal itTigat ion projects on any measure of <br />regional economic growth (Fullerton, 1975), Another study, published a few <br />years later, reached essentially the same conclusion (Young, 1978). (A study <br />supporting the growth impact of water appeared about this time, but it did <br />little more than quibble with the data used by others [Stoevener, 1979]). The <br />latest studies tend to support the findings of the original work done in the <br />1960's. For example, 001 econometric analysis of the Erivate investments in <br />irrigation systems found little if any effect on rural economics (Sparling, <br />1986) . <br /> <br />Time and again, a careful review of empirical data leads to an acceptance <br />of the null hypothesis, Le., investments in water supply systems do not have <br />a noticeable impact on a region's growth, These counter-intuitive results <br />suggest that the process of planning and financi!l~ water resources <br />development, particularly in cases where a major share of the project funding <br />must be generated locally, must be rethought. If water is of limited (or <br />insignificant) value in stimulating growth, public expenditures for the <br />expansion of water supply infrastructure must be very carefully reviewed. In <br />the face of competing capital needs, the opportunity costs of decision-making <br />based on a dubious myth may be too high. <br /> <br />- 11 - <br />