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venting, and angry claims of injury. Representatives of host states would demonstrate solidarity <br />with their constituencies by "grandstanding" (Zallen 1997). Nearly every term or condition put <br />forth was untenable to other parties, and at times the process seemed deadlocked. To many the <br />whole effort seemed useless. But no party was willing to be the first to step away from the table. <br />None wanted the dead body of a failed negotiation placed at its doorstep. Federal agencies were <br />not always the "bad guys." Some of the most difficult issues were between states, and they met <br />repeatedly without the DOI present to address inter-state problems. <br />Negotiations were open to the public. As discussions slowly showed some signs of <br />progress more people thought them worth attending. At times meetings were witness to large <br />gatherings-50 to 75 people crowding into rooms designed for considerably fewer (Ring 1999). It <br />was then agreed to break into small work groups, and reduce meeting size to about 30. Overall, <br />the negotiations were labor and time intensive, especially because none of the parties had <br />adequate staffing or funding to sustain their efforts. Federal and state budgets were limited, and in <br />some cases even being reduced. Individual ranchers and farmers were at the greatest <br />disadvantage, because they had no specialized assistance, no travel budgets and found it difficult <br />to participate in busy spring, summer, and fall growing seasons. Constrained resources, however, <br />created more than complaint; they also were the source of pressure to get serious and make a deal. <br />However, representatives of the several interests knew that the price of acquiescing to a"bad <br />deal" would be to have their head handed to them by their own constituencies. For all parties, <br />regulatory certainty was paramount, but everyone wanted that certainty on different terms. <br />? Early negotiations were frequently filled with assertions to the effect that the whole effort <br />, was futile given constraints of law, the Colorado-Nebraska interstate compact, Nebraska v. <br />• Wyoming litigation, and the fact that small streams of water disappear quickly into the sandy river <br />bottoms of semi-desert high plains. Old antagonisms led to charges that the program was in fact a <br />? conspiracy to deliver more water to irrigators in Nebraska, so they would eventually agree to share <br />? some of their water for habitat purposes. Some water users alleged that federal agencies were <br />? simple opportunists who targeted water in high mountains not because it made any sense to do so, <br />• but-reasoning that the water was too far from the critical habitat in Nebraska to justify re- <br />regulating-the FWS simply wanted to extort without a larger justifying plan in mind (Zallen <br />? 1997). Users also made the argument that Federal agencies were simply attacking state prior <br />? appropriations doctrine in an attempt to wrest control away from the states. <br />Early on, Colorado used the South Platte compact as a shield from the impacts of the ESA, <br />by holding that Colorado simply did not "owe" more water to Nebraska. Colorado asserted that <br />merely had to deliver the amount stipulated in the compact. Other Colorado objections to the <br />MOA included concerns that water released from high in the headwaters would never make it all <br />the way to Nebraska habitat, but would instead be diverted by surface water users in Colorado and <br />Wyoming, or by groundwater users in Nebraska operating entirely within state law. States were <br />fond of pointing out that hydrological data revealing that, in periods of low flow in the basin. <br />heavy rains creating floods in one reach of the river or a tributary may be entirely absorbed into <br />river banks and floodplains in near downstream reaches. For example, the largest recorded flow <br />on the South Platte main stem could not be detected as an increase in the central Platte's flow at <br />Grand Island (Dreeszen and Bentall 1993). But, in the end, water users in each state needed <br />federal permits and that harsh reality had brought each of them to the negotiating table and would <br />52