Laserfiche WebLink
<br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br />I <br /> <br />from salt balance? Why did its government then ask that remaining drainage flows be bypassed <br />without compensation? Former U.S. Commissioner of the IBWC Joseph Friedkin recalls: "By <br />the time the Presidents met in June, 1972, it was clear that there was no longer an opportunity <br />to reach an agreement with Mexico on the salt balance principle. Mexico was unwilling to <br />accept any Wellton-Mohawk drainage waters as treaty deliveries. "11 From this perspective, <br />Mexico's wasting of the balance of the Wellton-Mohawk drainage must be seen as an effort to <br />preserve its claim to water of Imperial Dam quality. <br /> <br />But Bureau of Reclamation employees in the Lower Colorado Region remember hearing another <br />message via IBWC that summer; Mexican Commissioner David Herrera Jordan indicated that <br />the approach used in Minute No. 241 would be acceptable to his government as the basis of a <br />permanent solution. 12 Was Mexico, then, bypassing drain waters for internal political reasons, <br />to prove its toughness to Mexicali Valley interests? Were Echeverria and his advisors really <br />amenable to more moderate terms? <br /> <br />These questions were never to be answered conclusively. The events of the summer of <br />1972-the Echeverria visit, the joint communique, the prospect of a Presidential <br />initiative-served to focus the attention of powerful individuals and interests on the salinity <br />problem. In the process, both the international issues and the nature of an acceptable solution <br />were redefined. <br /> <br />The joint communique introduced the terms "permanent" and "defmitive." As the President's <br />Special Representative, Herbert G. Brownell, Jr., and his Task Force deliberated, these terms <br />came to be applied to the actual measures used to reduce salinity, rather than to a legal or <br />diplomatic settlement. The narrow assignment placed on them-that of the ultimate technical <br />fix-left, in the end, only one politically feasible solution. <br /> <br />Deliberations of the Brownell Task Force <br /> <br />Brownell, a lawyer who had served as Attorney General under President Eisenhower, was <br />appointed on August 16, 1972, and sworn in on September 7. After a brief disagreement <br />between OMB-which wanted him to be headquartered in the Executive Office of the <br />President-and the State Department, Brownell and his staff were settled in offices in the <br />Mexican Affairs section of State. The President also appointed an interagency Task Force to <br />assist Brownell, composed of representatives of eight agencies: the Department of State <br />(including the U.S. Section of the IBWC), the Department of the Interior, the Department of the <br />Army (Civil Works), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) , and four entities in the <br />Executive Office of the President-the Domestic Council, OMB, the Council on Environmental <br />Quality (CEQ) , and the Office of Science and Technology (OST). (A list of Task Force <br />members is included in Appendix A.) <br /> <br />The Task Force, in turn, created a staff-level Working Group, chaired by Samuel D. Eaton, <br />Brownell's Executive Assistant. The Working Group included representatives from the Task <br />Force agencies and departments, and two agencies of the Department of Agriculture: the <br /> <br />5 <br />