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1 <br />39 <br />historical periods serve to generally isolate sites within temporal periods, they do not contribute to <br />understanding their social context, something cleazly the case at SLA7186. Within the American <br />' period, eight subperiods representing stages are identified below and in Tables 10 and 12. The <br />bracketing dates are of national significance with the exception of the temporal break between <br />' Subperiods II and III (1876/1877), which has greater regional than national significance. Generally, <br />the following sociopolitical subperiods are temporally represented in the artifact and architectural <br />assemblage identified at SLA7186: <br />' subperiod II (1860-1876) -This subperiod extends from the Territorial period of the state <br />through statehood, and the end of the first major homesteading era in Colorado. <br />subperiod III (1877-1893) -This subperiod encompasses the period of statehood through the <br />silver crash of the early 1890s. <br />subperiod IV (1894-1916) -This subperiod includes the beginning of the second major <br />homesteading migration into the Plains to the on-set of the World I era. <br />' subperiod V (1916-1930) -This subperiod extends from the World Waz I era to the onset of <br />' the Depression and the close of the final era of homesteading in the region. <br />The narrative becomes more focused with the passage of time, emphasizing mainly local and <br />regional events after the onset of the American period, and including in its entirety of the period of <br />principal historical habitation of the present Purgatoire valley region (the late 1860s through to the <br />present time) (Table 12). <br />' Additional research questions aze concerned with the issue of ethnicity. This problem <br />domain is critical to the study of SLA7186 since it can be a sensitive indicator of change brought on <br />' by both environmental and cultural factors. When viewed from a historical perspective, the changes <br />become quite evident, especially as they relate to the sites associated with New Mexican Hispanic <br />groups. These sites provide evidence of culture change through a gradual adaptation from a solely <br />' subsistence-oriented economy depending on access to all components of the resource base, a <br />generalized use of the total environment, minimal or no occupational specialization, self-reliant local <br />' production for local consumption, and a low level of technological development, to a selective <br />participation in the larger cash, wage-labor, and specialized production economy that had been <br />introduced by the AngloAmericans (Weber 1980). <br />' The identification and ethnographic reconstruction of ethnic groups living in the site is <br />another key research question for the understanding of the Purgatoire Valley community. The <br />' documentary accounts of the Purgatoire River Valley (Weber 1982; Friedman 1985; Carrillo 1990; <br />1994) suggest that New Mexican Hispanics were present in the region in the early ] 800s, using the <br />area as pasture land and for trade fairs held with the Native Americans (Carrillo 1990). Comparative <br />' studies of mining areas have shown that ethnic segregation is a common feature of frontier <br />settlement (Lord 1883; Hardesty 1980; Hattori 1975; Mann 1982; Smith 1967). In addition, the <br />• vertical networks or class structure of the community are often influenced by ethnicity (Deutsch <br />' 1987; Limerick 1987). <br />