<br />Administrative, Institut.ional. and Structural Charac'i.ensti.cs or an Active Water Ma.rket
<br />
<br />of water sought to be transferred per application was
<br />lowest in Utah (6.3 acre,feet) and New Mexico (9.6
<br />acre,feet) and highest in Wyoming (878 acre-feet) and
<br />California (5,000 acre-feet). There have been relative-
<br />ly few permanent water transfers in other states, In a
<br />recent survey on the "Impacts of Water Transfers on
<br />Agriculture in the Great Plains States", less than
<br />7,000 acre-feet of water, excluding Colorado, was
<br />reported to have been transferred from agriculture to
<br />other uses over the last five years (Michelsen, 1994;
<br />unpublished report, Water Committee, Great Plains
<br />Agricultural Council).
<br />Markets for the temporary transfer of water rights
<br />have also developed to address short-term or immedi-
<br />ate drought needs. Examples include water banking
<br />in California and seasonal rental markets, usually for
<br />agricultural use, in other areas. The focus of this
<br />paper is on markets for permanent, rather than tem-
<br />porary, transfers of water rights.
<br />
<br />FEW ACTIVE MARKETS EXIST
<br />
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<br />
<br />Although individual transfers are occurring in
<br />many areas, markets consisting of regular transac-
<br />tions, rather than sporadic individual transfers, have
<br />been slow to develop and are few in number, Exam,
<br />pies of areas with some form of established or recog-
<br />nizable water market include: the Arva Valley near
<br />Tucson, Arizona; western Nevada's Truckee and Car-
<br />son Rivers near Reno, Nevada; and the Front Range
<br />of the Colorado Rockies from Pueblo to Fort Collins,
<br />Colorado, During the 1970s and mid-1980s, the City
<br />of Tucson, Arizona, purchased and retired irrigated
<br />farmland in the Arva Valley to obtain rights to the
<br />ground water for urban use, Because ground water
<br />rights are appurtenant (tied) to the land in Arizona, it
<br />is necessary to purchase land to acquire the associat-
<br />ed water rights and then apply for a transfer of the
<br />historical amount of water consumptively used to
<br />another location or use. This market has experienced
<br />stop and go activity and is essentially dependent on a
<br />single buyer, the City of Tucson, In Nevada, agricul-
<br />tural surface water rights are being purchased and
<br />transferred in the Truckee,Carson river basin to meet
<br />urban growth and industrial demands (upper basin)
<br />and to support, wetlands (lower basin). Uncertainty
<br />about legal, administrative and transfer issues are
<br /><ontributing to the variability and thin market for
<br />these rights,
<br />Some of the most active markets are along the Col-
<br />orado Front Range where water rights continue to be
<br />nurchased from individual farmers and irrigation
<br /><ompanies for transfer to municipal and industrial
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<br />uses. Much of lhe activity al<mg the Front Range
<br />occurs within two water management districts, the
<br />Northern Colorado Water Conservancy District
<br />(NCWCD) and the Southeastern Colorado Water Con-
<br />servancy District (SCWCD), The NCWCD includes
<br />the South Platte river basin in northeastern Colorado
<br />and the cities of Boulder, Fort Collins and Greeley.
<br />The SCWCD includes the Arkansas river basin in
<br />southeastern Colorado and the cities of Colorado
<br />Springs and Pueblo. Both districts import additional
<br />water from the Colorado River basin through trans,
<br />mountain diversions.
<br />The number and size of water market transactions
<br />in each of the areas discussed above varies signifi-
<br />cantly, but transactions are often limited to one or
<br />just a few specific types of water rights that are well
<br />defined and relatively easily transferable to other
<br />locations and uses, Contributing to the slow develop-
<br />ment and variability in markets and transactions are
<br />the lack of well defined or quantified rights (amount
<br />of water, time and priority), institutional restrictions
<br />and high transaction costs (Young, 1986). In addition,
<br />where transactions have occurred, there has been
<br />wide variation in the prices for water rights (Colby,
<br />1993; Person and Michelsen, 1994), These conditions
<br />indicate that even where transfers are occurring,
<br />most of the so called markets for water rights are
<br />thin, or very weakly established if they exist at all,
<br />
<br />LESSONS FROM AN ESTABLISHED
<br />WATER MARKET
<br />
<br />My purpose here is to examine one of the more
<br />established water right markets in an effort to learn
<br />about the institutional, hydrologic, administrative,
<br />and supply and demand characteristics of a function-
<br />ing water market. The water right transfer market
<br />that has developed for Colorado-Big Thompson (C-BT)
<br />Project water in northeastern Colorado is one of the
<br />most active and well established water markets in the
<br />western U ,S. C-BT Project water has been actively
<br />traded between agriculture, municipal and industrial
<br />uses since the early 1960s, In several ways the C-BT
<br />market symbolizes a best case example of existing
<br />water markets, because it lacks many of the restric-
<br />tions or difficulties faced in other markets, C-BT
<br />water rights (actually allotments, representing a
<br />share in the delivery of the project water supply) are
<br />reliable, well defined, have relatively few restrictions
<br />on use and transfer, and can usually be transferred at
<br />low cost. In fact, some consider the C,BT market to be
<br />a model for the development of other water markets
<br />(Woter Strategist, 1990), Because the C-BT market
<br />
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<br />WATER RESOURCES BULLETIN
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