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<br />Water Management Study: Upper Rio Grande Basin <br /> <br />Numerous observers have commented on the difficulties inherent in <br />managing resources and an ecosystem when some of the competing demands <br />have a strong cultural element and others do not (DeBuys 1990; DuMars <br />1993; Finch and Tainter 1995).9 The difficulties are not just analytical in <br />nature. City dwellers, rural farmers, newcomers, old timers, Indian Pueblos, <br />Hispanic groups, grassroots interest groups, and large bureaucracies all take <br />different approaches to the management process, itself. They often have a <br />different view of what should matter in the decisionmaking process, use <br />different terminology, and prefer different pathways for making decisions. <br />Finch and Tainter make these useful observations about the connections <br />between cultural differences and the competition for the Basin's water and <br />related resources: <br /> <br />t-: <br /> <br />I:: <br />~~ <br /> <br />. Conflicting cultural perceptions and goals in land use underscore an <br />important point: environmental problems are essentially human <br />problems, and solutions to them require more than the traditional <br />bio-physical approaches. Too often, those who work in natural resource <br />management have not foreseen that their work has social and cultural <br />consequences. Especially in places where cultural diversity is high, and <br />where land and resource use differ by cultural group, how people use <br />the land can easily become a part of cultural identity. It can also be <br />part of a strategy to resist assimilation. The issues that arise from <br />threats to traditional land use are more than merely economic. <br />Subsistence practices and other uses of land may be no easier to <br />abandon than any other aspect of cultural identity. These issues are <br />particularly salient in... the Rio Grande Basin. <br /> <br />._~. <br />.:.; <br /> <br />(~, <br /> <br />!I'. <br />jT' <br /> <br />~: <br /> <br />~<. <br /> <br />~: <br /> <br />~:; <br />,,~; <br /> <br />. -.';' <br /> <br />, I',,~ '11'" <br />~ ,I ~ -~, J <br /> <br />'---~ <br /> <br />9 According to National Research Council's 1996 book, A New Era for Irrigation, the public <br />views agriculture in two not necessarily consistent ways. Tbe first is that irrigated agriculture <br />is an industry that happens to be essential to human existence. Tbe competing view sees <br />irrigated agriculture as an individual culture that shapes the way people live and determines <br />part of the national identity. How society views irrigated agriculture affects decisions about <br />the management of water resources. If the industry view of irrigated agriculture is chosen, <br />farmers will bear most, if not all, of the costs of production, On the other hand, if society views <br />irrigation as a culture, then society will share in the costs and uncertainties off arming largely <br />through the provision of various subsidies, Although the prevailing view of irrigated <br />agriculture varies from region to region and person to person, trends in recent years indicate <br />that irrigated agriculture in the U.S, is increasingly being viewed as an industry that must <br />compete in the global economy (National Research Council 1996), <br /> <br />",~ <br /> <br />,. -~, <br />r:~; <br /> <br />96 <br /> <br />[...",'.. <br />"",,- <br />Y:j <br />