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C -, A''''~ , i/;.'.HJ 280 But it should be clear that another and perhaps a greater duty is placed on us-forced on us, if you will. We must endeavor to create a condition of affairs in which war slllill become improbable and in which peace can be compelled. This is the com- bined task of endeavoring to create a world 'of friendly states, of good neighbors, and of being prepared to prevent war, by force if need be, when it once more threatens. We have twice learned that a War anywhere, remote from our shores and from our minds, nevertheless can force us to stand to arms, It should not be neceSsary to learn that ,lesson a third time, And yet., because memory is short, we have to teach this year in and year out. Who does not remember the systematic teaching that war could accomplish nothing; the pathetic assertion that a nation which behaved itself need not fear any , wrong-doer; that foreign disputes were of no inter. est to us! And one remembers,grimIy, the French traitor, Marcel Deat, urging his country not to keep its alliance with Britain and resist Gennany, by trying to make out that the Nazi plan of world conquest was a local I'm" between Germany arid Poland. "Why die for Danzig!" he asked, while the German fifth columnists (his friends) were undermining the very defenses of Paris. Yet there are people even now who favor in their inno- cence what Deat said in ,his treason, who ask why Americans should be conccrned with North Africa or with Italy, wi~h a second front, or with th" Solomon Islands. The a!'swer is the same: the enemy which seized Danzig was thundering into the , north of France a few months later. The enemy which seized the islands of the Pacific boasted~ 'and actually hoped-that it would dictate' sur. render in Washington: The savage truth of Litvinov's remark that peace is indivisible, proved in blood and sorrow, must not and cannot be forgotten. It follows, therefore, that the United States, if she is t{) retain her place as a land of peace and progress and self-fulfilment, must do her utmost to create a condition of affairs and to organize world relations so that the peace can be kept. To. do this we must face a number of tasks to which we are not accustomed and which we shall find extremely hard. Let us look at II few of them. , , , DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN First is the, necessity of making, keeping, and ,holding an Americanpoint{)f view. This is eB- sential. The time has long since passed when for- mation 'of American, opinion in foreign relationB , could safely follow lines laid down abroad. Most countries are interested in promoting their own :national interests. Many of them have relied on shifting policies and on changing alliances, and some have been opportunist in their ,policies, doing what seemed and perhaps was necessary to them' for their own safety. We need not claim moral superiority" It happens that through good for- tune and geography we are relatively more secure than most countries and therefore can exercise the high privilege of endeavoring to deal in foreign affairs on:a basis, of fairness and justice. We have resources enough' so that we can respect the needs of other, more crowded populations who must ex- port 'in order to feed their people, We have learned that neighbors who are highly developed and widely industrialized do not threaten us by their competition but are actually better customers. Accordingly, we find it both advantageous as well as neighborly to assist the less developed coun. tries in their technical education and advance. We have learned that the cooperation 'of a friend is far more useful to us and to the world, than the reluctant help dragged from a dominated country. In the language of diplomacy, we have learned to recognize that good-neighborship, accompanied by recognition of the sovereign equality of our neigh- bors, is not only honesty but also good policy. ' The position onh'e 'nation does not depend alone on its armed force or war potential. Even more tha'n arrris, the ideals and policies for which a coun- try stands determine its influence., The ,policy and practice o{the good-neighbor doctrine is reo sponsible, in large measure, for the influence which the United States has beyond its fighting lines., More than that, the, hope of making the good- neighbor policy general throughout the world is perhaps the most solid basis for helieving that we can arrive at a successful world organization capa- ble of mnking and maintaining permanent peace. The maintenance of the' good-neighbor policy, which mearis also patience and understanding; be- ,comes one of the great duties,of the United States. Hand in hand with this goes an.other duty-th.e duty to assure that American business interests acting abroad actively contribllte to building up