Laserfiche WebLink
control. Because each calculates in the same rational but <br />selfish manner, neither invests and both find a equilib- <br />rium with each other that is much worse off as compared <br />to what they could gain together by cooperative action. <br />They are simultaneously rational in an individual sense, <br />but are irrational in a collective sense. <br />Obviously, throughout history people have found them- <br />selves in such situations and for thousands of years <br />people in virtually all cultures have surmounted the <br />problem of individual rationality by getting organized. <br />Now this is the stuff of sociology. If farmers A and B <br />can devise means of holding each other accountable <br />for making a "fair share" contribution, if they can each <br />insure that the other will not defect from agreed upon <br />cooperative action —in other words if they get organized <br />in a viable way —they can work cooperatively to improve <br />their situation. The game theory tradition to which Pro- <br />fessors Schelling and Aumann have made their important <br />contributions has allowed social scientists to pose two <br />questions of great interest: 1) what are the attributes of <br />self - sustaining social organizations that can empower <br />individually rational actors to transcend their individual <br />rationalities and thereby improve the conditions under <br />which they live and work; and 2) how can individually <br />rational players be mobilized to construct such empow- <br />ering organizations? These two questions are central to <br />analysis of water management problems because water <br />capture and delivery generally involves conflict among <br />human purposes and requires getting organized to un- <br />dertake cooperative action that self - seeking behavior in <br />marketplaces cannot provide. <br />For the better part of 38 years this author has, along with <br />colleagues in CSU sociology— working in interdisciplin- <br />ary collaboration with engineers, economists, agrono- <br />mists, and other natural resources disciplines including <br />law —been studying the two big questions in the context <br />of local organizations for managing water domestically <br />and internationally. Our strategy has been to study local <br />organizations in specific locales (e.g., Pakistan, India, <br />Sri Lanka, Nepal, Philippines, Western United States and <br />most especially Colorado) by finding examples of failed <br />organizational efforts and by comparing them to long en- <br />during successful organizations in the same agro- climatic <br />zones, same cropping patterns, same language and cul- <br />ture patterns. The task has been to tease out crucial vari- <br />ables that explain the differences in performance (Free- <br />man and Lowdermilk, 1985, 1991; Freeman, Bhandarkar, <br />Shinn, Wilkins - Wells, 1989 and Wilkins Wells, 1989) <br />We compare our findings to the work of others who <br />have been probing the same questions (e.g., Ostrom, <br />1990; Bromley, 1992). For example, CSU sociolo- <br />gist Dr. John Wilkins -Wells has been studying the <br />organizational needs (a variation on question 1) of <br />a diverse array of mutual companies and irrigation <br />districts in several western states. As this is written, <br />the author is now studying the second question —how <br />individually rational actors are mobilized to coop- <br />erate to re- regulate the waters of the Platte River <br />basin for purposes of recovering endangered and <br />threatened species under the Endangered Species <br />Act (Freeman, 2003 and Freeman, forthcoming) <br />Neither Schelling nor Aumann ever did fieldwork. <br />However, those of us in the social science com- <br />munity who have followed the literature of game <br />theory, and whose thinking about the meaning of <br />our fieldwork has profited from their insights, salute <br />them. They have provided foundations upon which <br />much theory of social organization, conflict, and <br />cooperation in the world of water management has <br />been, and will continue to be, constructed. <br />Literature Cited. <br />Bromley, Daniel (ed.). Making the Commons Work: <br />Theory, Practice, and Policy. (Institute of Contem- <br />porary Studies Press, 1992). <br />Freeman, David M., and Max K. Lowdermilk. "Middle <br />Level Organizations As Links Between Farms and <br />Central Irrigation Systems." in Putting People First. <br />Sociological Variables in Rural Development. Edited <br />by Michael Cernea (Published for the World Bank, <br />Oxford University Press, 1986, 1991. 113 -144. <br />Freeman, David M. (with Vrinda Bhandarkar, Edwin <br />Shinn, John Wilkins - Wells, Pat Wilkins Wells). Lo- <br />cal Organizations For Social Development. Con- <br />cepts and Cases of Irrigation Organization. (West - <br />view, 1989). <br />Freeman, David M. "Organizing for Endangered and <br />Threatened Species Habitat in the Platte River Ba- <br />sin." Special Report 12. Colorado Water Resources <br />Research Institute, Colorado State University, Fort <br />Collins. September, 2003. This interim report is <br />precursor to what is yet an untitled book manuscript <br />that will examine, in detail, how individually rational <br />water users in Colorado, Wyoming, and Nebraska <br />came to transcend their individual rationalities and to <br />collectively mitigate conflicts and construct a Platte <br />River Basin Habitat Recovery Program in collabora- <br />tion with the U.S. Department of Interior. <br />Ostrom, Elinor. Governing the Commons: The Evolution <br />of Institutions for Collective Action. (Cambridge, <br />1990). <br />