control. Because each calculates in the same rational but
<br />selfish manner, neither invests and both find a equilib-
<br />rium with each other that is much worse off as compared
<br />to what they could gain together by cooperative action.
<br />They are simultaneously rational in an individual sense,
<br />but are irrational in a collective sense.
<br />Obviously, throughout history people have found them-
<br />selves in such situations and for thousands of years
<br />people in virtually all cultures have surmounted the
<br />problem of individual rationality by getting organized.
<br />Now this is the stuff of sociology. If farmers A and B
<br />can devise means of holding each other accountable
<br />for making a "fair share" contribution, if they can each
<br />insure that the other will not defect from agreed upon
<br />cooperative action —in other words if they get organized
<br />in a viable way —they can work cooperatively to improve
<br />their situation. The game theory tradition to which Pro-
<br />fessors Schelling and Aumann have made their important
<br />contributions has allowed social scientists to pose two
<br />questions of great interest: 1) what are the attributes of
<br />self - sustaining social organizations that can empower
<br />individually rational actors to transcend their individual
<br />rationalities and thereby improve the conditions under
<br />which they live and work; and 2) how can individually
<br />rational players be mobilized to construct such empow-
<br />ering organizations? These two questions are central to
<br />analysis of water management problems because water
<br />capture and delivery generally involves conflict among
<br />human purposes and requires getting organized to un-
<br />dertake cooperative action that self - seeking behavior in
<br />marketplaces cannot provide.
<br />For the better part of 38 years this author has, along with
<br />colleagues in CSU sociology— working in interdisciplin-
<br />ary collaboration with engineers, economists, agrono-
<br />mists, and other natural resources disciplines including
<br />law —been studying the two big questions in the context
<br />of local organizations for managing water domestically
<br />and internationally. Our strategy has been to study local
<br />organizations in specific locales (e.g., Pakistan, India,
<br />Sri Lanka, Nepal, Philippines, Western United States and
<br />most especially Colorado) by finding examples of failed
<br />organizational efforts and by comparing them to long en-
<br />during successful organizations in the same agro- climatic
<br />zones, same cropping patterns, same language and cul-
<br />ture patterns. The task has been to tease out crucial vari-
<br />ables that explain the differences in performance (Free-
<br />man and Lowdermilk, 1985, 1991; Freeman, Bhandarkar,
<br />Shinn, Wilkins - Wells, 1989 and Wilkins Wells, 1989)
<br />We compare our findings to the work of others who
<br />have been probing the same questions (e.g., Ostrom,
<br />1990; Bromley, 1992). For example, CSU sociolo-
<br />gist Dr. John Wilkins -Wells has been studying the
<br />organizational needs (a variation on question 1) of
<br />a diverse array of mutual companies and irrigation
<br />districts in several western states. As this is written,
<br />the author is now studying the second question —how
<br />individually rational actors are mobilized to coop-
<br />erate to re- regulate the waters of the Platte River
<br />basin for purposes of recovering endangered and
<br />threatened species under the Endangered Species
<br />Act (Freeman, 2003 and Freeman, forthcoming)
<br />Neither Schelling nor Aumann ever did fieldwork.
<br />However, those of us in the social science com-
<br />munity who have followed the literature of game
<br />theory, and whose thinking about the meaning of
<br />our fieldwork has profited from their insights, salute
<br />them. They have provided foundations upon which
<br />much theory of social organization, conflict, and
<br />cooperation in the world of water management has
<br />been, and will continue to be, constructed.
<br />Literature Cited.
<br />Bromley, Daniel (ed.). Making the Commons Work:
<br />Theory, Practice, and Policy. (Institute of Contem-
<br />porary Studies Press, 1992).
<br />Freeman, David M., and Max K. Lowdermilk. "Middle
<br />Level Organizations As Links Between Farms and
<br />Central Irrigation Systems." in Putting People First.
<br />Sociological Variables in Rural Development. Edited
<br />by Michael Cernea (Published for the World Bank,
<br />Oxford University Press, 1986, 1991. 113 -144.
<br />Freeman, David M. (with Vrinda Bhandarkar, Edwin
<br />Shinn, John Wilkins - Wells, Pat Wilkins Wells). Lo-
<br />cal Organizations For Social Development. Con-
<br />cepts and Cases of Irrigation Organization. (West -
<br />view, 1989).
<br />Freeman, David M. "Organizing for Endangered and
<br />Threatened Species Habitat in the Platte River Ba-
<br />sin." Special Report 12. Colorado Water Resources
<br />Research Institute, Colorado State University, Fort
<br />Collins. September, 2003. This interim report is
<br />precursor to what is yet an untitled book manuscript
<br />that will examine, in detail, how individually rational
<br />water users in Colorado, Wyoming, and Nebraska
<br />came to transcend their individual rationalities and to
<br />collectively mitigate conflicts and construct a Platte
<br />River Basin Habitat Recovery Program in collabora-
<br />tion with the U.S. Department of Interior.
<br />Ostrom, Elinor. Governing the Commons: The Evolution
<br />of Institutions for Collective Action. (Cambridge,
<br />1990).
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