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<br />perdome, but almost all said they had not directly ob-
<br />served any of these events, lending substantive support to
<br />the prevalence of rumors at the Superdome.
<br />Upon arrival at the shelters at Reliant Park in Hous-
<br />ton, most evacuees were grateful to be able to have a
<br />place to sleep, shower, be fed three meals a day, and re-
<br />ceive medical treatment from the American Red Cross. At
<br />Reliant Park, individual and family financial assistance in
<br />the form of debit cards from the American Red Cross and
<br />the Federal Emergency Management Agency were avail-
<br />able to evacuees, and most took advantage of these re-
<br />sources. Many additional social services were available to
<br />the evacuees at Reliant Park, such as housing and job of-
<br />fers from cities in other states, offers of Section 8 Hous-
<br />ing in Houston from the U.S. Department of Housing and
<br />Urban Development, and an airline offering free one -way
<br />tickets to reunite dislocated family members. Most of the
<br />residents emphasized how grateful they were for the ser-
<br />vices provided on -site and to the city of Houston for its
<br />hospitality and willingness to assist them.
<br />Housing Intentions
<br />A critical element of the research in Houston was
<br />capturing evacuees' early intentions to return and rebuild
<br />in Louisiana (primarily New Orleans) or relocate else-
<br />where. Although this research is ongoing, initial inten-
<br />tions indicate a slight majority plan to return and rebuild
<br />in New Orleans, a substantial minority plan to relocate in
<br />Houston or elsewhere, and some are unsure of their long-
<br />term housing intentions due to the uncertainty of the cur-
<br />rent state of their house, the intentions of other members
<br />of their family, or their employment status.
<br />For many natives of New Orleans who had experi-
<br />enced Hurricanes Betsy, Camille, and /or Georges,
<br />Katrina marked their first evacuation outside of Louisiana.
<br />The anticipated prolonged inoperability of New Orleans
<br />provided a unique opportunity for evacuees to reflect upon
<br />their lives and the city. Perhaps most surprising was the
<br />intent of a few lifetime residents of New Orleans to per-
<br />manently relocate their entire families to Houston as a
<br />result of Hurricane Katrina. Of those predominately work-
<br />ing -class African Americans that intend to return to New
<br />Orleans, it is important to note that many do not have the
<br />financial resources to rebuild or as renters may be signifi-
<br />cantly constrained in their housing choices due to a short-
<br />age of decent, safe, and sanitary houses in a post- Katrina
<br />New Orleans.
<br />Future lines of research in this area could yield par-
<br />ticularly substantive understanding of how a catastrophe
<br />may serve as a catalyst for the reproduction or exacerba-
<br />tion of inequality. Already, there are reports of external
<br />real estate speculators attempting to purchase properties in
<br />the French Quarter and Garden District of New Orleans in
<br />hopes of redeveloping the area.' Although the potential
<br />effects of gentrification in a post- Katrina New Orleans are
<br />not presently known, this research provided an excellent
<br />Opportunity to assess the ephemeral intentions and aspira-
<br />tions of evacuees.
<br />Conclusion
<br />This report attempted to highlight the significance of
<br />race and class issues by demonstrating that predominantly
<br />working -class African Americans did not evacuate be-
<br />cause they did not have the financial resources to do so.
<br />In addition, this report has provided some preliminary
<br />observations on issues related to looting, evacuation, shel-
<br />tering, and housing among Hurricane Katrina survivors at
<br />Reliant Park in Houston, Texas. Based on the scope and
<br />severity of the damage and the prolonged inoperability of
<br />New Orleans, it will be sometime before the full impact
<br />of Hurricane Katrina is known. However, ongoing analy-
<br />sis of these data will provide a starting point for exploring
<br />the short- and long -term implications of Katrina and the
<br />impacted population. In addition, this research has high-
<br />lighted the need for disaster studies to focus on both or-
<br />ganizational features of disaster and explore how disasters
<br />may serve as a catalyst for the reproduction or exacerba-
<br />tion of inequality.
<br />John Barnshaw (barnshawoa udel. edu)
<br />Disaster Research Center
<br />University of Delaware
<br />The author wishes to thank Havidan Rodriguez and
<br />Joanne Nigg for their assistance.
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