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<br />6 <br /> <br />detriment of wildlife in some areas in the East. <br />One factor associated with or responsible for the regional <br />differences is the shifting comparative advantages of the agricultural <br />locations. Changing economic conditions, such as rising energy <br />prices, influence transportation and irrigation costs and, in turn, <br />the types of crops most profitably grown in a given region. There are <br />regional differences in the intensity and nature of production as well. <br />Ecosystems in some regions are more fragile and sensitive to <br />changing trends than are those in other regions. Supplemental <br />irrigation may have a smaller impact on water quality and quantity in <br />the eastern states than in the western states. <br />It is important to consider regional trends in production as well <br />as national changes. Once the regional trends are identified, their <br />potential impacts can be assessed in terms of the particular regional <br />habitat characteristics and situation. In assessing the habitat <br />impacts it is important to remember that the whole is the sum of its <br />parts and that some of the parts may be quite different. <br /> <br />INCORPORATING VALUES IN DECISIONS <br /> <br />The major impediment to the inclusion of wildlife and habitat values <br />in land use decisions is that these values are difficult to measure. <br />without an accepted unit of value, wildlife and habitat values cannot <br />be expressed in dollars for comparison with other land use values. At <br />present, it is possible to measure, or measure by proxy, some wildlife <br />habitat values such as recreation, but the more intangible aesthetic <br />and philosophical benefits may be impossible to measure. <br />Although Congress has declared that "Fish and wildlife are of <br />ecological, educational, aesthetic, cultural, recreational, economic, <br />and scientific value to the Nation" (Fish and wildlife Conservation <br />Act of 1980), other decisionmakers have often failed to share this <br />recognition. Inclusion of wildlife values in decisionmaking is <br />further complicated by the fact that they are often external to <br />private interests and included only in social or public interests. <br />This "public good" nature of wildlife is related to the doctrine <br />of public ownership that governs wildlife in the united states. The <br />difficult question of who owns wildlife presents a major obstacle to <br />valuation. In this country, wildlife is determined to be owned by all <br />Americans. The ownership right is limited, however, by the power of <br />both state governments and the federal government to protect and <br />control wildlife in the interests of the public and future <br />generations. one answer to the ownership question was put succinctly <br />but paradoxically by Russell Train when he said, "Wildlife is owned by <br />everybody and by nobody. . . " (Brokaw 1978). Thus attempts at <br />valuation founder on the fact that one person's use of wildlife <br />resources affects another's, sometimes positively, often negatively. <br />Yet these elusive external costs and benefits (i.e., those not taken <br />into account by individuals) must somehow be included in estimates of <br />wildlife resource values. <br />In economic terms, the desired level of investment in wildlife <br />