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<br />evolve over time, get fleshed out here and there, and <br />continually evolve. It's a work in progress, the <br />Compact plus the other parts of the Law of the River. <br />There's some notable silences in the Compact, <br />probably some intentional, some not. The Compact <br />is silent on marketing, for example, and interstate or <br />interbasin transfers of water. We now argue about <br />that issue in terms of the Compact's definition of <br />"beneficial consumptive use," which, by the way, is <br />not defined in the Compact - there's a silence, a <br />particularly interesting silence for you. It's silent on <br />water quality, which also has some modern reverbera- <br />tions. It's silent on groundwater which, in particular <br />parts of the basin, is an emerging issue. <br />Furthermore, the Compact's basic working <br />assumption that state law controls water rights was <br />subject to some exceptions that were acknowledged in <br />the Compact itself. One is international obligations <br />that have already been mentioned. That was carried <br />out in a 1944 treaty with Mexico and in a 1973 <br />Minute on Water Quality, both of which have <br />important implications for basin water management. <br />The Compact acknowledged the federal <br />government's obligations to Indian reserved rights- <br />although it didn't use the word "reserved rights" - but <br />the Winters case, the foundation for those Indian <br />rights, had been decided 14 years earlier. The <br />Compact drafters clearly knew about it, although it is <br />also fair to say that the standard for quantifying those <br />rights was not really known at the time and wasn't <br />really known until 35 years later in Arizona v. <br />California. That case in 1963 also made clear that <br />there were other federal reserved rights in the basin <br />with respect to non-Indian federal reservations. <br />The Compact, as has already been mentioned, was <br />written against the backdrop of pending legislation in <br />Congress to authorize the Boulder Canyon Project <br />Act. As we heard Dave Kennedy say, obviously one of <br />California's very strong interests here was in putting <br />in place an interstate arrangement that would allow <br />that project to go forward. Again, we didn't know it <br />at the time, but six years after the Compact passed, <br />the Boulder Canyon Project Act was adopted by <br />Congress, and 35 years after that, as Jerry Muys <br />mentioned, the Supreme Court rewrote the Boulder <br />Canyon Project Act in a way that put the secretary of <br />the Interior fully in charge of Lower Basin water, <br />both along the river and in the Lower Basin states. <br />Congress not only allocated the waters of the Lower <br />Basin among the three states in 1928, so the Supreme <br />Court said in 1963, but also gave the secretary power <br />to contract under the Boulder Canyon Project Act <br />that really overshadowed state law. <br />How the secretary went about implementing that <br />power to contract in the Boulder Canyon Project Act <br /> <br />is worth mentioning because it has some modern <br />resonance. What the secretary did was go to Califor- <br />nia and say, "I can contract for water, but I want the <br />state's recommendations on who I should contract <br />with, and in what amounts." That resulted in the <br />state of California and its warring interests coming <br />together in the seven-party agreement of 1931, which <br />is one of the foundation documents in the Law of the <br />River. And that idea of the secretary setting a pattern <br />here of going to the states, actually asking for <br />recommendations - but being prepared with certain <br />federal power to forge an agreement - is something <br />that is still being talked about. <br />It's also noteworthy, by the way, that 15 years after <br />the Supreme Court in Arizona v. California rewrote <br />the Boulder Canyon Project Act and put the secretary <br />in charge of the Lower Basin and the lower river, the <br />Supreme Court came back to the whole subject of <br />state-federal relations and reclamation law in Califor- <br />nia v. the United States and rewrote several of its <br />earlier opinions on Section VIII. But the interesting <br />thing is Justice <br />Rehnquist in that <br />case went quite out <br />of his way to <br />reaffirm and <br />reconfirm the <br />notion that the <br />lower Colorado <br /> <br /> <br />I think it's useful to <br /> <br /> <br />FEDERAL <br />AND STATE <br />ISSUES <br /> <br />think of the Compact as <br /> <br />a kind of a constitution. <br /> <br />- John Leshy <br /> <br />River was unique, <br />and that the <br />secretary of the Interior remained in charge of the <br />lower Colorado River, and none of the rewriting <br />the Court was doing in California v. US. would <br />change that. <br />The other major area of federal interest, again <br />following on the Boulder Canyon Project Act, was <br />more federal projects. This is what Jeff Fassett and <br />others talked about - federal money and having the <br />federal mother-in-law along with it. Federal money <br />has been involved in numerous projects throughout <br />the basin, most of them in the Upper Basin, autho- <br />rized by a whole handful of acts, some of them not <br />built - or not yet built, anyway - and I'm sure we'll <br />hear more about that. <br />It's also interesting to note that one of the first <br />Arizona v. California Supreme Court decisions, back <br />in 1931, was the first time the Court ever invoked the <br />commerce clause of the U.S. Constitution to justify <br />the authority of Congress to build multi-purpose <br />projects that really had nothing to do with naviga- <br />tion. And out of that constitutional step forward <br />came the whole idea that the federal government <br />could constitutionally build projects throughout <br />the basin. <br /> <br />SYMPOSIUM <br />PROCEEDINGS <br />MAY 1997 <br /> <br />o <br />