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PART IV DOING IT TOGETHER <br />CHAPTER TEN: <br />ORGANIZATION OF NEGOTIATIONS <br />"We need to recognize that adversarial, winner-take-all, showdown political <br />decision-making is a way we defeat ourselves. Our future starts when we begin <br />honoring the dreams of our enemies while staying true to our own." <br />Kitteredge, 1996 <br />The only way out of the painful impasse that had been building in the three states was to <br />initiate basin-wide discussions to develop a collective program to serve as a reasonable and <br />prudent alternative--an alternative to shutting down water projects that had been found to be <br />creating jeopardy for listed species. The years 1994 to 1997 would be a time when a general plan <br />would emerge, strategies sketched out, and principles adopted. The problem was to convert the <br />general intent of the 1994 Memorandum of Understanding into a workable 1997 Cooperative <br />Agreement that could meaningfully point to actual construction of a defensible basin-wide <br />recovery program. <br />Upon the signing of the 1994 MOA, the Department of the Interior's Assistant Secretary <br />of Water and Science was appointed to lead the DOI's negotiation team and the Governors of <br />each state appointed staff to represent each state's interests. As the participants found their way to <br />the table, they recognized that, while the process was to be based on consensus, the discussion <br />itself was forced by the ESA. The ESA provided the "bad cop" common enemy that the states <br />needed. The states could not trust one another to fulfill their commitments, however, they could <br />depend upon the ESA to act as a sufficient threat to insure that each party stayed honest and <br />fulfilled their promises (Zallen 1997). Each interested party came to the table with historical <br />animosities and preconceptions of each other, their own positions, as well as the policy <br />requirements that they were there to satisfy. <br />Federal Experience <br />Negotiations were going to be challenging. The whole concept of basin-wide negotiations <br />was experimental. Talks would necessarily: 1) be multi jurisdictional within states (e.g., <br />involving in Colorado the State Engineer's Office, Division of Wildlife, Conservancy Districts, <br />mutual companies, etc.); 2) involve multiple interests within states (e.g., water users in the <br />federal nexus and those who were not); 3) have to reconcile interests of three states with histories <br />of antagonism; 3) pull together a family of federal agencies (FWS, USBR, and Forest Service) <br />each of which had distinct, mandated, and highly political needs; and 4) mesh federal and state <br />water agendas, something never before attempted in the basin. <br />Federal authorities knew well the central interests of actors in all of the large-scale <br />collaborative restoration processes would be essentially the same (Luecke 2000): <br />50