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<br />4 UDENWLR 290 <br />4 U. Denv. Water L. Rev. 290 <br />(Cite as: 4 U. Denv. Water L. Rev. 290) <br /> <br />Page 3 <br /> <br />feet in excess of its basic apportionment. Increasing water use in Arizona and Nevada that has pushed total water use in the <br />Lower Basin rFN61 over its Compact allocation has exacerbated the problem. As a result, the Secretary of the Interior and <br />the Basin states, other than California, [FN71 have pressured California water supply agencies to reduce their dependence on <br />surplus Colorado River flows. Additionally, they have demanded California meet its legal obligation to live within its means <br />under the Law of the River. <br /> <br />The reason for such mandates is simple and illustrates why solving the California problem is of fundamental importance to <br />the other states. If California is allowed to continue to exceed its basic apportionment in the face of increasing need in the <br />other Basin states, and if established allocations are not enforced, then the foundation of the Law of the River--the allocation <br />of the right to consume water among the states--may be meaningless. This loss of security of allocation would undermine the <br />certainty and reliability of supply for water users in each of the Basin states, thereby making resolution of other management <br />and environmental issues on the Colorado River virtually impossible, short of divisive, costly, and time-consuming litigation. <br />A reliable allocation of supply provides a legal framework through which the federal government and the states can manage <br />the Colorado River to meet changing demands and values. Therefore, each state has a vital stake in assuring the maintenance <br />and enforcement of that framework. <br /> <br />The Law of the River, of which the Compact is the foundation, is the product of economic need, social conflict, politics, and <br />law. To appreciate fully this set of laws, one must understand the historical context that created the laws and the motives of <br />those who fought for and negotiated each compromise. Through that understanding, one *293 can discern the policy <br />underpinnings of the current positions of the states, tribes, and water agencies that rely on the Colorado River's supply. <br />Therefore, this article will examine the historical context ofthe Law ofthe River before reviewing the evolution and potential <br />resolution of the current problem of California's dependence on surplus flows. <br /> <br />This article will consist of two parts. Part I will review the development of the Law of the River from an Upper Basin <br />perspective. It will focus on the motivations of the Upper Division states, particularly Colorado, in pressing for the Compact <br />and later laws. These motivations were premised on key themes or principles that remain relevant today. Part I also will <br />summarize a few of the major unresolved issues under the Law of the River that create uncertainty, and therefore motivate <br />the Upper Basin to press the California issue. Part II of the article, which will appear in a later edition of the University of <br />Denver Water Law Review, will use the historical perspective of Part I as a basis to review the history of discussions over the <br />last ten years between the states, the Department of the Interior, Indian Tribes, and other water users. These discussions have <br />resulted in historic proposals and agreements by which California agencies will in fact work toward reducing their overall <br />water use. Since, like other states, California requires some reliability of supply, interim surplus guidelines for the operation <br />of Colorado River Reservoirs will facilitate this "California Plan." Adopted by the Secretary of the Interior, these procedures <br />will guide operations of the reservoirs in a way that will assist California in achieving a "soft landing" to water use within its <br />basic allocation. <br /> <br />II. THE COLORADO RIVER COMPACT <br />The development of the Colorado River began when the early irrigation of the Imperial Valley in California involved a <br />canal route through Mexico. The canal route required the cooperation of the Mexican government and implicated <br />international relations between the United States and Mexico. [FN81 This international complication increased the desire in <br />the Imperial Valley for an "All-American Canal" and led to discussion and debate over the need to construct large storage <br />facilities on the lower Colorado River. [FN91 Irrigation interests in California clamored for construction of a large dam to <br />reduce the threat of floods, such as those that occurred between 1905 and 1907 and created the Salton Sea. [FNIO) These <br />interests looked to enhance the reliability and security of their water supply. Competing proposals for development of a large <br />hydroelectric project augmented the demand for a large reservoir. <br /> <br />It soon became clear that such comprehensive financing and *294 development required the assistance of the federal <br />government. Comments of federal employees and commentators, such as John Wesley Powell, Richard J. Hinton, and Arthur <br />Powell Davis, further fueled the debate. As early as 1878, they argued for federal control over the comprehensive <br />development of the Colorado River. rFNll1 However, federal assistance also required the cooperation of the other Basin <br />states, which successfully blocked any financing proposals in Congress. The Upper Basin was anxious about the potential <br />rate of development in the Lower Basin and was concerned that the water supply forecasts of the federal government might <br />be unreasonably optimistic. [FN121 Thus, the California proposals threatened the security and reliability of the Upper Basin <br />supply. <br /> <br />@ 2006 Thomson/West. No Claim to Orig. U.S. Govt. Works. <br /> <br />- <br />