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<br />Water Management Study: Upper Rio Grande Basin <br /> <br />netwol\k of canals and 71 percent ofthe native fish species no longer can be <br />found in this area. Only one portion of the Basin's ecosystem, the riparian <br />cottonwood forest known as the bosque in the Middle Rio Grande Valley, has <br />been examined extensively. The forest no longer is dispersed throughout the <br />historical floodplain, much of it is disconnected hydrologically from the river, <br />and significant changes in ecological structure and function are expected to <br />occur if current management regimes continue. In 1994, the U.S. Fish & <br />Wildlife Service listed the Rio Grande silvery minnow as an endangered <br />species. <br /> <br />The prior-appropriation doctrine underlies most water movement in the <br />Basin, but it does not apply uniformly to all resources or in all areas. Also <br />important is the influence of aboriginal rules and custom, Spanish and <br />Mexican laws antedating the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that ceded <br />much of the Basin to the U.S., international treaties, the Rio Grande <br />Compact, the federal government's trust responsibilities for Pueblo tribes <br />and as stewards of many resources, and the unique laws and institutions of <br />the three states. <br /> <br />Water-management issues are especially complex in New Mexico. The state <br />does not recognize instream flows as a beneficial use and, hence, it does not <br />protect instrearn flows. Furthermore, it has not adjudicated most water <br />rights in the Basin and there is little infrastructure for measuring flows and <br />diversions. Particularly disturbing to many is the lack of adjudication for <br />Pueblo water rights which, at some places and times ofthe year, probably <br />would embrace all surface flows. <br /> <br />,. <br /> <br />< <br /> <br />Competition for the Basin's water and related resources is far more intense <br />and complex than in the past. Decades ago, demand came primarily from <br />agriculture, but it now competes with demands reflecting the spiritual value <br />Indians and others place on the river, the contributions the river makes to <br />the Basin's quality of life, and the myriad uses of water in a modern <br />metropolitan city. Some ofthe competition manifests itselfthrough market <br />mechanisms, but most does not. Powerful economic forces are changing the <br />character of the competition for resources by reducing the ability of <br />traditional resource-intensive industries, such as agriculture, and increasing <br />the ability of non-consumptive and passive uses, such as recreation, to <br />generate new jobs and higher incomes. Increasingly, the economic prospects <br />of communities are determined by their ability to produce, attract, and keep <br />a highly qualified workforce and, as both firms and households become more <br />footloose, communities that offer a high quality of life outperf<f~ (b.&Gtflat <br /> <br />'. <br />I <br /> <br />..' <br /> <br />) <br />';,.: <br />," <br /> <br />S-4 <br /> <br />j~ <br />i ~:: <br />