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<br />00 <br />..., <br />.'J <br />N <br />:;:,; <br />o <br /> <br />,( <br />~; <br />L <br />[Ii" <br />~ <br />::; <br />:( <br />;~~ <br /> <br />'~ <br />#. ..- ,~" <br />:;>; '-". <br />{, t <br /> <br />.} <br />" <br />, <br />~. <br /> <br />f:. <br /> <br /> <br />1993] <br /> <br />CENTRAL UTAH PROJECT COMPLETION ACT <br /> <br />183 <br /> <br />away from lID.". The Board ruled that if lID did not save 100,000 <br />acre-feet of water by 1994, lID would lose this water.'" lID, realizing <br />it had to find a way to conserve water, reached an agreement with <br />MWD. MWD agreed to build the most efficient water system possible <br />in exchange for the rights to the conserved water.'" Significantly, <br />three and a half months after the Board issued its decision, the parties <br />reached an agreement. '42 Similarly, the Central Utah Water Conser- <br />vancy District came to the bargaining table only after a lawsuit and loss <br />of federal funding jeopardized the completion of the CUP.'" Without <br />external pressure forcing agricultura11eaders to negotiate, superficial <br />attempts to painlessly change water laws, like those in Oregon and <br />Montana, will continue. ,.. <br />A second lesson to be gleaned from recent water marketing <br />attempts is that new water policy proposals should not be isolated from <br />political realities. There has been a proliferation of water marketing <br />literature suggesting numerous ways to handle chaotic urban growth <br />and new demands for water. Many of these articles and books make <br />powerful nonnative arguments regarding the effectiveness of various <br />strategies. However, obstacles impede even those proposals, such as <br />water markets, that appear to be in the self-interest of all parties. Most <br />authors do not consider the impact of social and psychological barriers <br />and fail to assess the degree to which the proposal satisfies the interests <br />of the people affected.'" The application of dispute resolution theory <br /> <br />'" See REISNER & BATES, supra note 10, .t 14~6 .pp. A. <br />1<. [d. .t 157 .pp, A. <br />141 MWD and lID negotiated unsuccessfully from 1984 through 1988. When the Board issued <br />ill decision, lID decided to reenter negotiations with MWD, identifying specific consenration <br />projects and determining the costs and water conserved on a project-by-project basis. Seventy. <br />IIix days after the Board's decision came down, the parties reached an agreement. MWD <br />eetimates that it is paying about $128 per acre-foot annuaUy, and $148 when the cost of <br />pumping the water to its consumers is added. At earlier stages of the negotiations, 110 refused <br />to negotiate for less than $250 per acre-foot. MWD was unwilling to pay more than $100. <br />MWD now claims the projects were not chosen because they were the cheapest, but because they <br />were the ""best for the system as a whole.- ld. at 154-58 app. A. <br />,<2 [d. .t 157-5S, <br />14' Mosher, .upro note 38, at 21. <br />I~ A growing number of environmental commentators argue that alternative dispute <br />resolution (ADR) techniques, like mediation, arbitration, nonlitigative negotiation, and other <br />procedures, are viable alternatives to litigation. Se~, e.g., LARRY SUSSKIND & JAMES <br />CRUlKSCIIANK, BREAKING THE IMPASSE 3-15 (1987); ZYGMUNT J.B. PLAnER ET AL" ENVIRON- <br />MENTAL LAw AND POLICY 979-80 (1992). It appears, however, that until the nonlegal barriers <br />to water policy reform begin to break down, environmental activists must continue to pursue <br />strategies that combine negotiation or ADR with litigation, or at least the threat of litigation. <br />I" A recent study concluded that analysts fail to appreciate the significance afthe social and <br />