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OQl1'76 of a stream both obstruct their flood. plains through levees or other means, the resulting constriction inflicts "back- watering" upon areas immediately up- stream. This effect is pronounced on major rivers such as the Mississippi up- stream from St. Louis. The effects of multi-governmental fragmentation in floodplains are cumula- tive. Most watercourses of any signifi- cance involve both cross-stream and upstream-downstream conflicts. Further- more, alteration of flooding patterns in tributary watersheds likely will make flooding on mainstream rivers worse. The cumulative effects of specific ac- tions, however, is not always obvious because a flood may not occur for years. Unlike questions of water quality and supply, the multi-governmental implica- tions of flooding are too often seen only in the aftermath of a flood. Certainly not all flood damage can be blamed upon the actions of neighboring areas. But just as certainly, even the most re- sponsible floodplain management unit is ta some extent at the mercy of its neigh- bors. Ultimately, there is a need for multi-governmental arrangements to pro- mote mutually responsible and enforce- able floodplain management policies. E. Techniques for Multi-Government Coordination in F100dplains Floodplain management is just one of many public concerns that transcend political boundaries. Much has been written on techniques for "intergovern- mental coordination." (See particularly various reports by the Advisory Com- mission on Intergovernmental Rela- tions.) Much of this literature, however, deals with "vertical" relationships among federal, state, and local entities. While that dimension is important to flood- plain management, the emphasis here is upon "horizontal" cooperation be- tween adjoining units of government- thus we use the term "multi-govern- mental coordination." Techniques to be summarized below include: 1. Interstate compacts 2. Comprehensive river basin planning 3. Statewide regulations 4. Counties 5. Special districts 6. Intergovernmental agreements 7 . Extraterritorial powers 8. Litigation 1. Interstate Compacts Article 1, section 10 of the U.S. Con- stitution states: "No state shall without consent of Congress,. . .enter into any agreement or compact with another state." Interstate compacts with the con- sent of Congress have long been an im- portant vehicle for establishing formal agreements and arrangements among states. Compacts deal with a wide range of concerns: transportation, pollution, navigation, and port development, fish- eries and wildlife, power, water supply, and flood control. Most water-related compacts have been achieved in western river basins, where allocation of scarce water resources is of primary concern. In the East, the principal water-related compacts are those established for the Delaware and Susquehanna River basins. These in fact are the only compact com- missions with comprehensive planning authority within their respective water- sheds, including the power to review and approve local floodplain zoning regulations. (This power has been used sparingly in the Delaware and not used at all in the Susquehanna basin.) Interstate compacts are formal legal instruments that establish the rights and duties of each state party and that are enforceable through the courts. Poten- tially, compacts offer a way to promote consistent floodplain management pol- icies and practices along interstate rivers. Compacts, however, are difficult to achieve due to reluctance of states to delegate their powers. On the average, it takes eight years for a compact to be ratified; none have been established since 1975. t ! I ' 2. Comprehensive River Basin Planning Comprehensive river basin planning (whether or not leading to an interstate compact) has been a goal of planners in the United States since at least the 1930's. The Water Resources Planning Act of 1965 authorized the establish- ment of federal.state river basin commis- sions to: Serve as the principal agency for the coordination of federal, state, 22