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<br />39 <br /> <br />Thus it is far from clear that the most informed members of Congress on NIIP had <br /> <br /> <br />the slightest idea of the nature of Navajo Winters rights, specifically that limiting <br /> <br /> <br />Winters claims to the NIIP allocation involved the sacrifice of a significant ponion of <br /> <br /> <br />their total claim. How, if this is true, is it possible for Congress to have formed the <br /> <br /> <br />intent, clearly and plainly expressed or otherwise, to quantify Navajo Winters claims? <br /> <br /> <br />It seems impossible for Congress to have appreciated the conflict between the full <br /> <br /> <br />scope of Navajo rights and the smaller claim granted by NIIP, as called for in.lliQn. <br /> <br />Another point goes to the issue of the formation of congressional intent. Congress <br /> <br /> <br />authorized NIIP in 1962, the year before the Supreme Court established a standard <br /> <br /> <br />for quantifying Indian Winters claims with Arizona v. California. Prior to Arizona v. <br /> <br /> <br />California. legally-protected Indian water rights consisted firmly only of a priority; <br /> <br /> <br />there was no basis for estimates of the size of claims. Indeed, the language of the <br /> <br /> <br />record is limited almost entirely to talk of priority. Whatever the logical implications <br /> <br /> <br />of relinquishment of priority, given surrounding water law and other sections of the <br /> <br /> <br />NIIP act, Congress could not have had quantification of Navajo Winters claims in its <br /> <br /> <br />collective mind when the only firm right that existed before 1962 was priority. <br /> <br />Another point from the record vitiates the argument for quantification. That is that in <br /> <br /> <br />various places throughout the record, concern is expressed that Navajo rights, <br /> <br /> <br />including water rights, be protected. James Haley of Florida, member of the <br />